Sunday July 17, 2011

A chance for a change

BEHIND THE HEADLINES WITH BUNN NAGARA

Thailand has a rare opportunity to set things right with a new government, but much will depend on governance.

OF all the problems confronting a beleaguered Thai government, the most pressing is forming a new government itself.

But with a new parliamentary session due in a fortnight, any teething difficulties about a Thaksin-friendly, Pheu Thai-led government may dissipate within weeks.

The problem over rival claim to territory with Cambodia is limited by the small land area involved, the role of Unesco and the status of the land as a world heritage site. Even the problem of a weak economy may be mitigated with time, prudent management and spin.

But the most serious problem for any new Thai government, particularly for a novice premier and most of all for Yingluck Shinawatra, is the simmering discontent in the southern-most provinces. Sporadic violence has festered for decades, but it has deteriorated sharply for 10 whole years now.

The outgoing government of caretaker premier Abhisit Vejjajiva failed to make any significant progress in the south by way of easing tension, let alone resolving any issues, despite the party’s southern strongholds.

The task for Pheu Thai may be even tougher, since the worst outbreaks of southern violence occurred during Thaksin Shinawatra’s premiership. Now that his “clone” of a sister may soon become prime minister, bad blood between Bangkok and the southern communities may remain or grow.

The problems include marginalisation by an indifferent Bangkok, grievances over abusive and corrupt local police elements, some rump separatists, drugs and drug money, and an element of Islamist militancy. However, most of the problems are unrelated to race or religion and are still not insurmountable.

Bangkok has paid minimal attention, and when any attention is given at all it has been inappropriate. The lack of communication channels made things worse: Thaksin the former policeman abolished the southern administration organisations that listened to the people’s complaints, replacing them with local police known to be corrupt.

Reason to be bitter

He was sceptical about claims that southern Thais were bitter because they had been neglected and abused. So deputy premier Chaturon Chaisang headed south to find out, returning to Bangkok to confirm that southerners indeed had reason to be bitter – but nothing came of his report.

In 2005 the government established the National Reconciliation Commission, which recommended introducing elements of shariah law and Yawi (local Malay) as an official language alongside Thai. But the recommendations were ignored.

Thaksin’s government then appointed his cousin Gen Chaiyasit Shinawatra as army commander-in-chief, but his inability to control the southern situation within months led to his replacement.

Then Gen Sonthi Boonyaratkalin, a Muslim, was made army chief and sent to the south to talk to the local communities, but he spoke only Thai and not Yawi and communication broke down again.

The worst violence came when soldiers stormed the Krue Se mosque, with exchanges of gunfire and grenades with militants, and the killing of 84 Muslim demonstrators in a peaceful protest in Tak Bai.

Things worsened so much that Queen Sirikit issued a rare public comment on the Thaksin government by saying the southerners were Thai people too, and needed to be treated appropriately. Relations between the Thaksin government and the palace soon became bumpy.

I was then invited to tour the southern-most provinces of Pattani, Yala and Narathiwat to see developments there for myself. The eerie calm with heavily armed soldiers said only that there was a calm imposed by a heavy military presence.

Last Monday the (outgoing) Thai government again invited me along with some media and academic participants on a tour of Bangkok and Ayuthaya to learn about the Thai Muslim community.

That the tour did not include any southern province, where Thai Muslims form the majority, could be a comment on the situation there.

In Thonburi, the “other” side of the Chao Phraya river of the Thai capital that eventually became Bangkok, the Portuguese-built Santa Cruz Church stands on land given by King Taksin the Great in the 18th century.

With Bangluang Mosque, a Mahayana Buddhist temple and a Theravada Buddhist temple in the vicinity, the Christian, Buddhist and Muslim communities here had long co-existed peacefully.

Evidently, religious distinctiveness never amounted to political differences or strife – Bangluang Mosque itself had been built in Thai architectural style.

Also in Thonburi is Tonson Mosque, Bangkok’s oldest at some four centuries old. Here, Datuk Paduka Imam Patana Langputeh said Bangkok had 176 mosques, with some 4,300 throughout Thailand.

He said in the month of Ramadan, two TV channels and 32 radio stations would be dedicated to Muslims. The imam had been appointed by the palace to teach Islam at a school within King Bhumibol Adulyadej’s palace compound.

He said the Muslim community is the largest (10%) minority community in Thailand and the best treated anywhere in the world. By tradition going back six centuries, he said Thailand’s navy commander-in-chief is Muslim and even the mother of a former king was buried in the Tonson Mosque grave.

In pride of place in the main hall is a large wooden plaque from Ayuthaya’s ruins presented to the mosque by King Taksin the Great. Since there was no religious problem in sight, the country’s very real problems must lie elsewhere.

Thailand’s top university, Chulalongkorn, not only has a Halal Research Centre but also an Institute of Asian Studies that offers courses like Muslim Studies. A senior staff there said Thai Muslims were well integrated in society’s mainstream except for the southern-most provinces.

He said Malaysia’s role in southern Thailand was crucial and complicated, while acknowledging that the problems were home-grown and deteriorating. He had been an adviser in Thaksin’s government, but said he had failed, registering personal disappointment.

If past failures are openly acknowledged, will valuable lessons be learnt from them for the future?

News

Sunday July 17, 2011

A chance for a change

BEHIND THE HEADLINES WITH BUNN NAGARA