The writer believes that this 'green wave' began all the way back in the early 1980s. – Bernama
THE recent 15th General Election (GE15) produced what the ordinary Malaysian had not really expected nor wanted, but which was already foretold in the many analyses put forth by researchers, analysts and research bodies: a hung Parliament.
Fortunately, through the wisdom of leaders, especially the Yang di-Pertuan Agong and the Malay Rulers, a solution was found in the form of a unity government that has now found solid footing with a two-thirds majority confirming its legitimacy. It is led by Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, the leader of Pakatan Harapan and Barisan Nasional, Gabungan Parti Sarawak (GPS), Gabungan Rakyat Sarawak (GRS), and Parti Warisan.
Over the past two decades, political developments had already signalled the scenario that has emerged now: new coalitions receiving almost equal support from the people while support for previously dominant parties and coalitions wane. This shifting of support needs to be scrutinised further to understand what really was and is happening now.
To understand this better we have to go back to 1999 when the idea of a political coalition outside of the ruling one first surfaced and began to take shape. This was the emergence of a political coalition formed by the Opposition. Fortress Barisan was shaken when this Opposition coalition began to strengthen and gain support. In 2008, Barisan lost its two-thirds majority in Parliament for the first time, and this which was sustained in the following elections in 2013, before Barisan was finally defeated altogether in the historic 2018 elections.
However, what was expected at GE15, a comfortable Pakatan victory – better than the one in 2018 – did not materialise. And what was not expected was the surprising gains made by the PAS-dominated Perikatan Nasional in the northern and eastern states of Peninsular Malaysia; Perikatan even made inroads in the western states of Selangor, Perak, Negri Sembilan and Melaka.
Perikatan’s gains mean the strengthening of the conservative, radical forces that have arisen from a warped interpretation of Islam. And the party that took the most number of seats was PAS, which dominates this trend – it won 49 seats, the highest number it has ever achieved in its history. This is also the highest number won among all parties that contested.
What has given rise to the so-called “green” wave represented mostly by PAS? Well, to begin with, it was not just religion that has been abused for politics but race as well. Over the past few years it has become convenient to package the Perikatan campaign into a racial- religious bundle as represented by PAS.
Actually, this “green wave” began all the way back in the early 1980s when the current president of PAS was a rising star of an “ulama”, and his firebrand hardline stand on religion was taking hold within the party. But then, at that time, PAS was led by the likes of “Tok Guru” Datuk Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat and Ustaz Fadzil Noor who kept the hardliners at bay. It was these two leaders who were responsible for PAS’ outreach to non-Muslims and non-Malays. But that became history with their demise, which also put an end to the values they sought. They were replaced by present president, Tan Sri Abdul Hadi Awang with his narrow, exclusivist mission.
Umno too had a major part to play in strengthening these same values as it was playing the racial card more often to counter PAS’s narrative. This began in earnest when it lost support in the 2008 elections. Racial issues were unnecessarily raised to sustain its support. It’s loss in 2008 was interpreted as a loss for the Malays, and this narrative continued right up to the fall of the Pakatan government in 2020.
The combination of similar narratives from Umno and PAS galvanised the strength of the “green wave” which finally saw big gains for Perikatan in GE15.
Hence the current development in Malaysian politics, the rise of extremism – whether racial or religious – is actually the product of both Umno and PAS.
Historically, since the late 1970s and right up to the 1990s, one of the main thrusts of Umno’s (and Barisan’s) campaigns was harping on the danger of chauvinism linked to DAP. DAP was projected as a threat to Malays.
DAP in turn did not do much then to allay these fears and continued to maintain its course vis-à-vis the Chinese community, which was, and still is, its vote bank. Of course, DAP could have undertaken many steps to remove the stigma of being a threat to the Malays.
As for PAS, ever since the “amanat” (edict) of its current president became the guiding principle for its members and supporters, the roots of radicalisation have been effectively planted. The edict and the following radicalisation that came along with it was the perfect ground for the sprouting of more extremist politics in Malaysia.
With the trend as it is – an extremist PAS-dominated Perikatan strengthening its hold as evidenced by the recent Padang Serai election – it would really be tough for the moderate Pakatan to advance much, especially in Malay-majority areas. For the time being it would need the absolute support of Sabah and Sarawak parties to continue to be in power. Sabah and Sarawak would also want moderate politics to lead the country.
The toxic narrative espoused by the “green wave” is not palatable to the majority of Malaysians. It remains to be seen how the unity government is going to extinguish extremist politics in the country. A solution definitely has to be found and extremism needs to be checked for the sake of the nation and its people.
Dr Abdul Latiff Mohd Ibrahim is Senior Fellow at the Nusantara Academy for Social Research Malaysia. The views expressed here are solely the writer’s own.
