THE unity government isn’t about to collapse, and Yang di-Pertuan Agong Al-Sultan Abdullah Ri’ayatuddin Al-Mustafa Billah Shah won’t need to appoint the country’s fifth Prime Minister when he’s about to complete his five-year term.
PAS president Tan Sri Abdul Hadi Awang has claimed that a major victory for Perikatan Nasional in the recently concluded six state elections would result in a change of the Federal Government.
No doubt, PAS and Bersatu under Perikatan have done well in terms of the number of state seats won, but the status quo remains in the governments of the six states.
That aside, state electoral results have no bearing on the formation or continuation of the Federal Government.
As constitutional law expert Prof Emeritus Datuk Dr Shad Saleem Faruqi pointed out, in 25 or so federal systems around the world, the federal and state governments are separate and independent of each other.
It’s not uncommon for the Federal Government to belong to one party or coalition and for some or all the state governments to belong to another, he wrote.
Abdul Hadi isn’t entitled to decide who should be PM, as the power to appoint or even remove the PM belongs to the King, as enshrined under Article 43 of the Federal Constitution.
The law is clear – the King appoints a PM who is a member of the Dewan Rakyat and who “in his judgement, is likely to command the confidence of most of the members of the House”.
So, even if Perikatan had won five of the six states except Penang, Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim wouldn’t need to step down. It’s that simple.
The state elections weren’t a referendum on the PM’s right to govern, although it’s a rude wake-up call to the unity government that all is not rosy.
While the government has only been in charge for about nine months and has inherited many legacy problems, the niggling complaint is the lack of political will to conduct reforms to strengthen the economy.
Many Pakatan Harapan supporters have lamented that it has been a case of more of the same with the lack of resolve by past governments to move the country forward with fresh changes.
So, the only way PMX’s political opponents are trying to bring him down is by challenging him in Parliament.
Anwar has been bold enough to repeatedly throw down the gauntlet to the Opposition to table a vote of no-confidence against him, but the deafening silence from a lack of response speaks volumes.
In an interview with The Edge before polling on Aug 12, sacked Umno leader Khairy Jamaluddin said: “You don’t even need Umno because Anwar has secured Sabah and Sarawak,” adding that “what is the upside for them (Barisan Nasional members) to move?”
“Even if PH does badly, say 3:3, and there are significant inroads by PN, why would you remove your support from Anwar strategically? Even if it’s 4:2, it doesn’t affect the Federal Government.
“Umno is in a very precarious situation because even if Umno pulls out now, Anwar still has the numbers. So, Umno needs Anwar now. He (Anwar) planned this quite well.”
Currently, in the unity government, Pakatan has 80 seats (PKR 31, DAP 40, Amanah seven and Upko two); there’s a vacant seat in Pulai, Johor, which belonged to Amanah. It is supported by Barisan which has 30 seats (Umno 26, MCA two, MIC one and PBRS one); Gabungan Parti Sarawak 23 seats (PBB 14, SUPP two, PRS five, PDP two); Gabungan Rakyat Sabah six seats (direct members four, PBS one, Sabah STAR one); while the others are made up of Warisan (three), KDM (two), PBM (one), Muda (one) and Independents (one).
On the Perikatan side, PAS has 49 seats against Bersatu’s 25.
There have been calls for Umno president Datuk Seri Dr Ahmad Zahid Hamidi to assume responsibility and quit after Umno’s poor performance in the just-concluded state elections.
While he has expressed his readiness to take the rap, he is clinging on to his post, so his resignation is looking unlikely.
Umno has lost the ability to deliver the Malay votes. Ahmad Zahid can be blamed for aggravating the situation, but the erosion of support was already evident in 2018.
It didn’t happen overnight. MCA and MIC, like Umno, have suffered the same fate. Other old parties, like Taiwan’s Kuomintang and India’s National Congress Party, have ended up likewise.
While PAP has been in government in Singapore for the last six decades and remains strong, the rebellious voices have grown louder now with the resentment evident on social media.
These parties haven’t been able to create fresh narratives for an increasingly young electorate that has no binding ties to the contributions of pre-independence parties.
The unwillingness of many Barisan component parties’ leaders to relinquish their positions has not helped to rejuvenate their parties.
Then there’s the inability to embrace social media competently, which would have widened their reach to voters. The lack of response at ceramah now would explain why voters prefer to follow proceedings online. The rules of the game have simply changed.
The sadness and even anger in Umno now is understandable. The results of the six state elections have been a big blow. Umno lost 89 state seats it contested, and all were from the Malay heartland.
Of the 108 seats which Umno contested, it only won in 19 areas, of which Negri Sembilan contributed the most.
There have been calls by some Umno members to pull out of the unity government to go solo, while there are Malay groups that are suggesting an Umno-PAS-Bersatu Malay government, which would leave DAP out.
But Umno will be shortchanged by having to play third fiddle if it subscribes to such irrational mono-ethnic philosophies. Worse, Umno will be out of the government.
No one party or group can hope to form the Federal Government without the support of Sabah and Sarawak, and PKR and DAP.
It’s simple mathematics.
The advocacy of an all-Malay political party government reeks of the tiresome and shallow “them vs us” narrative, which will only pull the country apart and send investors packing.
Neither would it help the PM if he started to pander to the conservative and right-wing segments, which would never vote for Pakatan anyway. And more soberingly, it will alienate voters who choose the more progressive Pakatan politics.
Yes, Anwar must win over the predominantly Malay voters, which make up over 70% of the country’s demographic, but the best way is to uplift their livelihood and assure everyone has a place in Malaysia.
The reforms Anwar has promised need to be expedited. He must revamp his Cabinet soon.
Anwar also needs “wartime generals” who will defend him, not mere passengers in his respective machinery, including the Cabinet. Yes, he must accommodate the interests, even the demands, of the unity government components.
It’s a massive headache for him, but by now, he knows who has performed and who hasn’t. Even the rakyat and media know.
Anwar has four years to fix this country. He doesn’t need to continue playing the populist game because it won’t benefit Malaysia in the long run.
Malaysians are tired of the continued politicking and endless rounds of elections. We’re not amused by politicians who keep telling their listeners to be wary or suspicious of their fellow Malaysians, whom they claim to be threats.
Mr Prime Minister, just do what is right and morally more important. You are the leader of Malaysians of all races and religions.
